ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Washington should use its “leverage” to help the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) strike a compromise with Damascus that is in the interest of both sides, a former US diplomat said on Friday, with talks appearing to have hit an impasse.
“So it is important that the SDF, while the US is there, it's important that the SDF find the right balance, the right compromise to make with the national government in Damascus that respects the SDF's interests while also respecting the needs of the national government,” William Roebuck, former advisor to the US special envoy for Syria engagement and a one-time assistant to the US-led coalition against the Islamic State (ISIS), told Rudaw.
He stressed that the presence of US forces in northeast Syria (Rojava) provides Washington “leverage” to help the SDF reach a deal with Damascus, saying that the US should utilize that influence for a deal that “respects the interests” of both sides.
A March 10 deal between the SDF and Damascus outlined the future of the Kurdish-led force and the region it controls in Rojava. While parts of the agreement have been implemented, key provisions - such as integrating the US-backed force into Syrian state forces - remain contested.
According to Roebuck, US Special Envoy for Syria Tom Barrack has made it clear that Washington will eventually withdraw from Syria, though no specific timeline has been announced.
Roebuck highlighted that future arrangements in Syria are likely to involve a “more centralized command and control” structure on the military side, while local governance may allow for greater decentralization.
“This is just the way a military works,” he noted, adding that the specifics of integrating the SDF’s leadership and command structure will need to be negotiated between the Syrian government and the SDF.
The SDF is the de facto army of Rojava and fought the lion’s share of the battle that resulted in the territorial defeat of ISIS in Syria in 2019.
Syria’s interim government is working to establish a unified army, bringing under state control and centralized command the multiple armed groups that had fought against the former regime.
On Wednesday, SDF media head Farhad Shami told Syria’s Alyaum TV that the SDF wants to join the army as “a bloc,” adding that “handing over weapons is a red line. It is not possible to hand over weapons.”
There have been at least two meetings between SDF chief Mazloum Abdi and Syria's interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa since Bashar al-Assad's regime was ousted in December.
Recent massacres of Alawites and Druze by forces affiliated with or supported by Damascus have concerned Kurds and made them reluctant to give up their weapons.
French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot spoke with Abdi on Friday to confirm that Paris will host the next round of talks between the SDF and Damascus. Barrot also reiterated France’s support for Syrian Kurds, according to the French foreign ministry.
“It's very difficult to have a decentralized military command and control structure. Now, what the specifics of that is and how the SDF and its leadership command structure would be integrated…I think those details will need to be worked out between the Sharaa government and the SDF,” Roebuck said.
The US and France have been engaged in talks with the SDF and Damascus to accelerate the implementation of the March 10 agreement, which is endorsed by Turkey.
Roebuck, who is also the executive vice president of the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, said Gulf states recognize the SDF as a key force in the fight against ISIS but are currently more focused on reconstruction efforts in Damascus.
Sharaa has pledged to form an “inclusive transitional government that would reflect Syria’s diversity,” but he faces criticism from both domestic and international actors who say he has marginalized minority communities.
Kurdish leaders have repeatedly expressed concern over the centralization of power and the prominence of Islamic law in the transitional constitution adopted by the interim government. They have denied accusations of desiring to separate and instead call for federalism.
The following is the transcript of the interview with William Roebuck.
Rudaw: Dear William Roebuck, thank you very much for being a guest on Rudaw. The events in Sweden have once again brought forth the ethnic and sectarian complexities of Syria. Does the model of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (Rojava) strengthen the common life of the communities?
William Roebuck: It's a good question. Obviously, there are significant tensions in Syria, not only in the northeast, but in other parts of the country. I think a certain degree of decentralization makes sense. And obviously with decentralization, you need local government, something similar to what you have with the autonomous administration. However, ultimately these issues will have to be resolved with the national government in Damascus. This is what the United States is insisting on. And so this has to be done through negotiation. And I don't know exactly what the national government, the Ahmed al-Sharaa government, will accept in terms of an autonomous administration remaining behind. It'll have to be a part of the discussion of integrating the SDF into the national government.
The violence against Alawites during Ahmed al-Sharaa's rule has reached the level of genocide. Is this not a major source of concern for Syria's future?
It's a good question. Obviously, the violence that occurred in April with the attacks on Alawites and the more recent attacks, the violence in Suwayda province between the Druze and the Sunni Bedouins and some involvement from government forces to try to control this, these are very serious incidents. They have to be investigated. Clearly the national government and the national military in Damascus has a lot of work ahead of it to become a more effective security force. I think the United States, I think other friends of Syria in the region will work with the Sharaa government to try to improve its performance in providing security and in avoiding these incidents of violence and in investigating these incidents of violence after they have occurred. But yes, I agree, these are serious incidents and they are worrisome. And the friends of Syria outside the United States and others will need to work with the Sharaa government to ensure that this type of violence does not happen again, and if it does, that it's minimized, controlled, and investigated.
Is it true that the US supports the centralization of Syria and opposes the demands of Kurds, Alawites, and Druze for a decentralized system?
I think what Special Envoy for Syria, Ambassador Thomas Barrack has indicated in his public remarks is that the United States wants to see an agreement, and they're now putting some time limit on the negotiations to ensure that this happens. They understand that, for example, in the northeast, the Syrian Democratic Forces and their civilian counterparts, they have their demands. And the national government, the Sharaa government, they have their requirements, their demands. So it's a negotiation. But I do think the US government is making it clear that the integration of forces in the northeast should occur… I think they've clearly made it clear that they want this to happen. It's a priority. So I don't think they necessarily are against some level of decentralization, but what they are saying is that it has to be something that the national government will also agree to. So there has to be a meeting of the two sides in a negotiation and in a compromise.
You have visited northeast Syria (Rojava). The political parties of northeast Syria met in Qamishli, and federalism became the common demand of the Kurds, but Damascus is not ready to negotiate on this issue. Is America's support for this policy of Damascus true?
I think the political leadership in northeastern Syria is going to have to make some compromises, to be honest. I don’t think it's realistic to continue to maintain the same positions that were held, for example, two years ago or three years ago. And some of these new decisions, they're going to be difficult and they're going to involve some changes in position, I think, if the SDF is going to succeed in integrating their forces and making a kind of joint effort with the national government. I think it will be difficult and it's going to involve some hard choices and I think some of these positions that you have mentioned about the political parties in northeastern Syria, frankly I think some of these positions that insist on absolute decentralization and absolute local autonomy will be difficult to maintain in the face of a necessary compromise between the two sides.
If autonomy is difficult according to the current situation in Syria, what basic rights can the Damascus government give to northeast Syria?
That's an interesting question. Obviously, northeastern Syria, the forces, the leadership, they have their position, they have their priorities. And in a negotiation, of course, they will want to insist on their priorities. And I think they can certainly negotiate for as much autonomy, as much decentralization as possible. I think this is what they should try to do. All I'm saying is that it will be a compromise. And the other side, the national government, has their position. Hopefully, the United States and France, I think, who's also involved a little bit in this, but certainly the United States is a key player, that they will help the two sides reach a compromise that is fair and that strengthens stability in Syria for all of its people, its majority population, but also its minority populations.
Is Tom Barrack’s support for the centralization of Syria the official view of the US government?
I think that US Special Envoy for Syria, Ambassador Barrack speaks with great authority for the views of the United States government right now. He's a very close associate of President Trump who has a lot of confidence in him. So I think if you hear him say what the position of the United States is on these issues, you should accept that what he says represents a very authoritative expression of those views.
So we understand from your statements and Barrack's remarks that Syria is heading towards centralization?
I think it's going to vary a little bit. I think on the military side, I think it will look more like a central type system on the governance set. At the local level, local governments, like in various cities and towns, there might be more decentralized authority. That remains to be seen. I think the focus of the negotiations so far have been heavily on the military side. And I suspect on that aspect, there is likely to be more centralized command and control. This is just the way a military works. It's very difficult to have a decentralized military command and control structure. Now, what the specifics of that is and how the SDF and its leadership command structure would be integrated, I don't know the details of that. I think those details will need to be worked out between the Sharaa government and the SDF.
Dear William, I want to get your opinion. You were the US special representative in the international coalition against ISIS. You were also the deputy US representative for Syrian affairs. At this stage, when ISIS is still a threat, how necessary is the existence of the SDF?
Obviously, the fight against ISIS is very important. It's one of the reasons for the existence of the Syrian Democratic Forces. And I should say that as someone who was on the ground in northeast Syria for several years, I know how effective the SDF was as a partner with the US in the fight against ISIS. Very, very effective. No question about that. For the future, you know, it's difficult. I think ultimately there's going to need to be a significant level of integration of the SDF into a Syrian national military. And I think that is going to be a challenge for the SDF, but it's a challenge that they will need to find ways to cope with. And circumstances in Syria and in northeast Syria are changing. And this is what a good leadership does. It meets those challenges head on and finds a way forward that retains something of the previous, the traditional ways that things were organized, and also accepts the new terrain, the new territory, the new way of doing things. And this is what the SDF is going to have to do.
The question is also this: do the pressures for the SDF's integration into the Syrian army increase the risk of ISIS's return?
Yes, I think it's very possible that there will be a further resurgence of ISIS. This is a big risk and a big danger, and this is why the SDF and its presence in the northeast is so important, its cooperation with the United States. And I hope that this cooperation will continue. It's been a very valuable partnership. Overall, the capabilities of ISIS are increasing, I think. They're still somewhat limited compared to the height of their power and influence back in 2016 and ‘17. But I do think that they are trying to strengthen their activities and trying to strengthen their leadership cadres. And it's very important that the SDF and the US together stay focused on this threat that ISIS poses.
What should the US government do to protect the structure of the SDF?
We'll have to see how this plays out. I mean, right now, US forces remain in northeastern Syria. So they have some, in English we call it leverage, some ability to shape the situation and I think the US should use that leverage to help the SDF negotiate an agreement that is, that respects their interests to the degree that the United States is able to do that. Ultimately, Ambassador Barrack has made clear in his public remarks that the US will eventually leave. It will withdraw from Syria. It just, it hasn't made clear the timeline for that withdrawal. I think it's not in the short term, but beyond that, in the intermediate, the longer term, eventually the US is going to withdraw. So it is important that the SDF, while the US is there, it's important that the SDF find the right balance, the right compromise to make with the national government in Damascus that respects the SDF's interests while also respecting the needs of the national government.
Dear William Roebuck, you are now the deputy president of the Arab Gulf States Institute. How do the Gulf countries view the role of the SDF and the future of northeast Syria?
I think they understand that the Syrian Democratic Forces have been a very important force in the fight against ISIS. They understand the SDF was absolutely instrumental in the defeat of ISIS in the SDF and in the northeast and in the region around the northeast. So the Gulf countries do understand this and I think they appreciate this. I think right now, to be honest, the Gulf countries are more focused on what is going on in Damascus and what needs to be done for the reconstruction and rebuilding of Syria. Where are the right investments to make? How can they assist with humanitarian or broader assistance, those types of things in helping the Syrian government exert authority and stability over the country? These are the types of things. I noticed today, for example, the Saudis have a very large trade delegation in Damascus. This is their focus that they've signed a $6 billion memorandum of understanding for investment. And this is the second visit like that in the last six weeks for the Saudis. Obviously other countries are involved, the Emiratis have been involved in signing an $800 million port deal to help renovate the port of Tartus. So there's a lot of Gulf interest in investing and helping the Syrian government in reconstruction.
Dear William, if you were now the US representative for Syrian affairs, what advice would you give to the US government?
I would advise them on understanding the SDF position, to appreciate the many sacrifices and achievements that the SDF accomplished with the United States and with the special forces, American special forces that worked very closely with them in the northeast over the last number of years, since they started this partnership back in 2015-16 timeframe. It's been almost a decade. It's amazing. And I think so far, what Ambassador Barrack has indicated in his remarks, that he does understand this, he does understand. But I think it's very important, if I were advising them, as you ask, this is what I would emphasize. Help them make a good deal. Work fairly with both sides, but also appreciate the sacrifices that the SDF made over the last decade to pursue US interests in Syria against ISIS.
