“We are currently in a ‘weapons freeze’ phase, in preparation for their disarmament after the US withdrawal,” Izzat al-Shabandar told Rudaw’s Nwenar Fatih in an interview.
He added that despite their ties to Iran, the armed groups have no intention of pulling Iraq into “unnecessary conflicts,” based on his meetings with their leaders.
In September 2024, Baghdad and Washington jointly announced their agreement to end the mission of the US-led coalition against the Islamic State (ISIS) in Iraq by September 2025.
Shabandar explained that the Iranian-backed factions have ceased their armed activities, which they said were in response to Israel’s attacks following Hamas’s October 7, 2023 incursion.
“It is clear to everyone that these factions have frozen their armed activities at the government’s request, based on national interest,” he said, adding that faction leaders have pledged not to interfere in “decisions of war and peace,” leaving those matters to Baghdad alone.
Following the US withdrawal, the factions are expected to either disband or fully integrate into state institutions. “This isn’t a complex issue and is not considered an obstacle,” Shabandar stated. “The factions should reach a compromise on their own, and the Iraqi government should facilitate and support that process.”
Most of the factions are grouped under the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), formed in 2014 when a group of militias responded to a call-to-arms from revered Shiite cleric Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani to fight the Islamic State (ISIS). While the force has been officially integrated into the Iraqi security apparatus, militias within their ranks operate outside of Baghdad’s control and receive support from Iran.
While Iran exerts considerable influence over several PMF factions, such as Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib Hezbollah, Shabandar pushed back against allegations of Iranian dominance. “We reject characterizing Iraqi factions as Iranian loyalists,” he said. “Iraq is not an Iranian colony. Iranian support does not hijack Iraqi sentiments from these groups.”
“This is important: the story of double standards must end, and the Americans must not try it with Iraq. If the factions decide to disarm, it is not out of fear, but rather out of concern for national sentiment,” Shabandar stressed.
Shabandar also addressed Syria’s shifting political landscape, revealing that Syrian interim president Ahmad al-Sharaa has shown reluctance toward deepening ties with Tehran, instead favoring strong relations with Baghdad.
“Sharaa believes Syria and Iraq are complementary,” he said.
Following the ousting of Bashar al-Assad last December by an opposition coalition led by Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), a transitional government was formed under Sharaa’s leadership. While he promised to protect the rights of all Syrian communities, his transitional constitution has drawn criticism for reinforcing authoritarianism and marginalizing Kurds, Druze, Christians, and Alawites.
“He does not believe in federalism. He believes in a unified Syria—from north to south—and is working toward that goal. He strongly opposes any signs of division,” Shabandar noted.
According to Shabandar, Sharaa identifies his strategic depth as “Arab before anything else.” His first official visit was to Saudi Arabia, signaling his preference for Arab unity. Though he maintains strong ties with Turkey and appreciates its support, “he ultimately seeks a stronger Arab relationship over all others.”
