ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Many residents of disputed Kirkuk say they have lost faith in Iraq’s political class ahead of the November parliamentary elections, voicing frustration over corruption, neglect, and unfulfilled promises in a province where ethnic divisions and land disputes continue to shape politics.
As part of Rudaw’s election coverage, the network’s program Who is Stronger (Ke Baheza in Kurdish) captures spontaneous reactions and reflections from potential voters across Iraq. In an area near the historic Kirkuk Citadel, north of the city, Rudaw spoke to dozens of residents to hear their thoughts on the elections, nearly two weeks into the start of campaigning for the vote.
“None of them owns up to their provinces, none of them is doing it for a Kurdish cause. All of it is for their pockets,” an elderly Kurdish man told Rudaw's Hevidar Ahmed, while playing dominoes with his friends.
“I am very upset… with all of them [political parties],” he added, expressing his disappointment with the parties’ record of service in the province.
The federal elections are seen as particularly significant for Kirkuk, with the potential to shift the balance of power between Kurdish, Arab, and Turkmen factions vying for control of the multi-ethnic, oil-rich province. Campaigning often centers on communal rhetoric rather than policy platforms. The outcome could shape the long-stalled implementation of Article 140 of the Iraqi constitution, which outlines a process for normalization and a referendum to determine whether Kirkuk will join the Kurdistan Region or remain under Baghdad’s administration.
Political deadlock has long paralyzed the province’s governance, with the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), and Arab and Turkmen parties divided over the governorship and key administrative posts.
“Everyone wants money. If they pay, we will vote; if they do not pay, we will not vote,” said another person.
In a recent interview with Rudaw, former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi warned that the upcoming elections would be heavily influenced by the misuse of state resources and vote-buying, suggesting that financial power, rather than popularity, would determine outcomes.
“Not just for money - I will not sell my Kurdishness for the whole world,” a young man contested. “How can one sell his language [identity]?”
“I will vote for whoever is just for the Kurdish people,” a middle-aged man said, but he noted that “so far, nothing has been done for Kirkuk city.”
Political impasse has left Kirkuk’s provincial council unable to convene regularly, and administrative vacancies have hindered public services, leaving many neighborhoods in limbo.
“I want the Kurdish people to hold their heads high… they [the PUK and KDP] are strong,” said another man. “To everyone, gather your votes. Do not waste your votes - you will be guilty on the day of judgment.”
After months of wrangling, the PUK assumed the governor’s post in August 2024 after a disputed vote in Baghdad, where a coalition of PUK, Arab, and Christian council members appointed Rebwar Taha on the party’s ticket. The session was boycotted by the KDP and the Turkmen Front, who deemed it illegal, though the Iraqi Presidency later confirmed the appointment. His predecessor, Rakan al-Jabouri, had served as acting governor from 2017, after the Iraqi federal government retook Kirkuk from Kurdish forces, until his disqualification from the upcoming elections over corruption-related lawsuits.
“The PUK is stronger in Kirkuk - we will get 60 seats!” a tea seller shouted, prompting cheers from his customers, who sat beneath PUK posters.
“We will not vote for Arabs at all, that is out of the question,” said an elderly customer, explaining that many voters have fixed loyalties that remain unchanged regardless of party performance.
“You want the truth? Mr. Rebwar [Taha, governor of Kirkuk] has done service for us. By God, he is a top-grade governor,” another man responded.
“What has the PUK done?” the elderly man countered.
“What has the KDP done [for us]?” the other man responded.
Disputed lands in Kirkuk
The village of Palkana in Kirkuk’s Sargaran subdistrict has been a flashpoint for recurring land disputes between Kurdish farmers and Arab settlers, particularly since Iraqi federal forces retook the province in 2017. The tensions trace back to the Baath regime’s Arabization policies of the 1970s, which transferred ownership of Kurdish and Turkmen lands to Arab settlers.
“I swear to God, they [the Iraqi army] do not take our side,” an Arab resident of Palkana told Rudaw. “If a Kurd comes to me with proof that the land is his, I will hand it over and leave immediately. But he does not have anything [proof of ownership].”
Iraq’s land restitution law, passed in February, aims to reverse Baath-era seizures of over 300,000 dunams from Kurdish and Turkmen owners in Kirkuk and other disputed areas. However, its implementation has stalled as the Council of Ministers has yet to issue the required regulations. As a result, Kurdish farmers continue to face obstruction, lawsuits, and arrests by the Iraqi army.
“Whoever has weapons is the one who is powerful,” a Kurdish man said, overlooking fields they claim ownership to.
Another agreed, saying Arabs and the Iraqi army hold power in the area. “But we can win through elections, and we will prove that we are stronger.”
The group of Kurdish men said the Iraqi army recently warned them not to work on their farmland.
“Our allegiances are to political parties, not our nationality,” another man said. “If Kurds are united, no one can defeat us, only God [can].”
